Subject: The problem of divided Balochistan
Date: Oct 05, 2003 @ 16:34
Author: nitinindiagreat ("nitinindiagreat" <nitinindiagreat@...>)
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The problem of divided Balochistan

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Mahajanapada/message/294

Baluch nationalism, since its birth, has faced the problem of
"international" frontiers which divide the Baluch among countries -
Pakistan, Iran/and Afghanistan. The genesis of the problem pre-dates
the
Perso-Baluch (1871 and 1895-1905), 4 Seistan (1872-1896)(and Baluch-
Afghan
(1895) frontiers. The demarcation of these frontiers made the
problem more
acute and protracted it so that^ with the rise of Baluch nationalism
in
193O, the Baluch were divided between Iran, Afghanistan and what was
then
British India. For obvious reasons, Pakistan and Iran had a common
interest
in suppressing the Baluch claim of self-determination and they have
adopted
a joint policy for this purpose. Afghanistan did not share the
Iranian and
Pakistan policies but stated its own claim for Baluchistan, as part
of its
demand for Pushtunistan. The Baluch-Afghan line as an international
border
is disputed by the Afghans, who regard the frontier with Pakistan as
drawn
by the British and agreed to by the Afghans only under duress.

To understand the complexity of the issue involved in the division
of
Baluchistan, it is important to have some understanding of the
historical
circumstances involved. The strategic position of Baluchistan, Iran,
and
Afghanistan in terms of commanding the principal trade routes
between
South-West Asia, Central Asia, and South Asia became important for
Britain
and Russia in the context of the geopolitical expansion of the two
empires
in Asia during the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th. In
1854,
Britain entered into a treaty with the Khan, ruler of Baluchistan,
in order
to defend its territories against an external invasion from Central
Asia and
Iran. At the same time the Iranian rulers, who had lost their
northern
provinces to the Russians, pursued a policy of expansion towards
Baluchistan
in order to compensate for the lost areas. However, in 187O,the
British
Government agreed to demarcate the border with the Khanate of
Baluchistan.
In 1871, the British Government accepted the Iranian proposal and
appointed
Maj. General Gold-smid as Chief Commissioner of the joint Perso-
Baluch
Boundary Commission, Iran was represented by Mirza Ibrahim, and the
Khanate
of Baluchistan was represented by Sardar Faqir Muhammad Bizenjo, the
Governor of Makran, The Baluch delegate submitted a claim for
Western
Baluchistan and Iranians claimed most of Makran including Kohuk.
After
several months of negotiations, Goldsmid divided Baluchistan into
two parts
without taking into consideration history, geography, culture or
religion,
and ignoring the statements of Baluch chiefs^ho regarded themselves
as
subjects of the Khan. Goldsmid's decision was based on political
considerations. He aimed to please Iran in order to keep Iran away
from
Russia.

The Kohuk dispute; Kohuk is situated on the Perso-Baluch line. In
1871,
General Goldsmid assigned Kohuk to the Khanate of Baluchistan on the
following bases:
1. That the chief of Kohuk stated that he considered himself a
feudatory of
the
Khan.
2. That the Persian Commissioner, Ibrahim, refused to investigate
the merits
of
the question.
The Iranian government finally agreed to the decision in a letter
dated
September 4, 1871, but in a separate note to Allison (the British
Minister
at Tehran) "on the same day requested that, on consideration, a
small
portion of territory, including Kohuk, Isfunda and Kunabasta, would
be made
over to Persia." The question was referred to the Government of
British
India and General Goldsmid was consulted. Goldsmid changed his view
and
favoured the transfer to Iran because "it would make a far more
compact and
better boundary for Persian than for Khelat territory." At the same
time,
British India did not deem it necessary to justify declaring that
territories which were not legally part of it should belong to Iran.
Consequently, the British Government decided to prepare an amended
map and
to exclude Kohuk and other villages from the Khan's territory in
order to
give Iran the opportunity to occupy the area. An amended note and
map were
then sent to Tehran. In the amended note the districts of Kohuk,
Isfunda,and
Kunabasta were excluded from the Khanate of Baluchistan. When the
decision
to exclude this area from Baluchistan was conveyed to the Khan, he
protested
against the amended decision. The Khan was informed that the
question was
not definitely settled, as in April 1873, the Iranian government had
refused
to accept the

note. It does not appear to have been necessary to take any further
account
of his objections. In the late 19th century, the Iranians
practically
settled the question of Kohuk by military occupation and continued
their
policy of expansion in pushing their claim and their raids further
and
further into the Khanate. In 1896 and 1905, an Anglo-Persian Joint
Boundary
Commission was appointed to divide Baluchistan between Iran and
Britain.
During the process of demarcation of the frontier, several areas of
the
Khanate of Baluchistan were surrendered by the British authorities,
who were
hoping to please the Iranian government in order to check
the Russian influence in Iran. The frontier imposed by two alien
powers on
the Baluch people was demarcated without the consent of Kalat. The
agreement
of 1896 was a clear violation of the treaties of (the agreement)
1854 and
1876, declaring the Perso-Baluch line to be the frontier of Iran and
India.
It is interesting to note that the border demarcated by General Gold-
smid
was between the independent Khanate and Iran. The agreements of 1896
and
19O5 show a clear shift in British policy towards the Khanate; it
was
treated now as an Indian state. Under the treaty of 19O5, the
Khanate lost
the territory Of Mir Jawa and in return the Iranian government
agreed that
this frontier should be regarded as definitely settled in accordance
with
the agreement of 1896 and that no further claim should be made in
respect of
it. In 1872, the British government appointed General Goldsmid to
settle the
dispute over Seistan between Iran and Afghanistan. The dispute,
however, was
ended with the partition of Seistan between Iran and Afghanistan
without the
consent of the Baluch people. Ethnically, culturally, and
geographically,
Seistan is part of Baluchistan. Seistan ruled by Sanjrani chiefs was
the
vassal of the Khanate until 1882. A secret diary prepared by the
British
representative at Kalat on April 2o, 1872, to the British Government
of
India suggests that Sardar Ibrahim Khan Sanjrani of Chakansur
(Seistan)
acted as a vassal of the Khanate. Sir Robert Sandeman, in the
letters to
Lord Curzon dated November 22, 1891 and January 12, 1892, described
the
western limits of the Khanate as Hassanabad Q (Irani-Seistan) and
the
Halmand river near Rudbar. The final demarcation of Seistan took
place in
19O4 by the British Commissioner, Sir McMahon, but the historical
right of
the Khanate and the principle of the right to self-determination
were
ignored. Sanjrani, chief of Chakansur, refused to acknowledge the
Afghan
rule under Amif Abdul Rahman. Nonetheless, the Kabul policy of
British India
encouraged Abdul Rahman to occupy the country. Nothing is known
about the
reaction of Mir Khudadad Khan, the ruler of Baluchistan.

The Baluch-Afghan or MoMahon Line: This covers an area from New
Chaman to
the Perso-Baluch border. The boundary was demarcated by the Indo-
Afghan
Boundary Commission headed by Capt. (later Sir) A. Henry McMahon in
1896.
The boundary runs through the Baluch country, dividing one family
from
another and one tribe from another. As in the demarcation of the
Perso-Baluch Frontier, the Khan was not consulted by the British,
making the
validity of the line doubtful, because:
1. The Goldsmid Line (the southern part of the Perso-Baluch
Frontier) was
imposed on the Khan by the British Government in 1871.
2. In 1896, when the rest of the Perso-Baluch Frontier was
demarcated, the
Khan ate, an independent state, was not consulted.
3. The partition of Seistan was unjust because Seistan was
autonomous and
the majority of the population, which was Baluch, recognized the
Khan as
their suzerain. The Sanjrani chief of Chakansur (Seistan) refused to
accept
Afghan rule in 1882.
4. The British reports clearly suggest that the Baluch people
resented the
rule of Iran and desired to accept, the status of a British
protectorate
against Iranian rule.
5. The partition of Baluchistan took place without taking into
consideration
the
4 factors of geography, culture, history, and the will of the
people.
However, the final outcome of the boundary settlements imposed on
the Baluch
was:
1. Seistan and Western Makran, Sarhad, etc. became part of Iran.
2. Outer Seistan and Registan came under the control of Afghanistan.
3. Jacobabad, Derajat and Sibi were included in British India.
4. The Khanate of Baluchistan was recognized as an independent state
with
status of a protectorate.

Nevertheless, Baluch tribes in the 19th century and at the beginning
of the
20th century showed their hatred of the unnatural and unjust
partition
through their revolts against British and Persian rule. Gul Khan, a
nationalist writer, wrote: "Due to the decisions of (boundary)
Commissions
more than half of the territory of Baluchistan came under the
possession of
Iran and less than half of it was given to Afghanistan. The factor
for the
division of a lordless Baluchistan was to please and control Iran
and
Afghanistan governments against Russia" in favour of Britain. In
1932, the
Baluch Conference of Jacobabad voiced itself

against the Iranian occupation of Western Baluchistan. in 1933, Mir
Abdul
'Aziz Kurd, a prominent national leader of Baluchistan, showed his
opposition to the partition and division of Baluchistan by
publishing the
first map of Greater Baluchistan. In 1934, Magassi, the head of the
Baluch
national movement, suggested an armed struggle for the liberation
and
unification of Baluchistan. However, it was a difficult task because
of its
division into several parts, each part with a different
constitutional and
political status.